This book is not a common grave
Diego Enrique Osorno
not tolerate poorly written texts. I still remember one time I got angry because of a chronic so poorly written that the paper broke and ate the pieces. The chewed and swallowed. Then he said: "This does not deserve to leave otherwise than as shit." Ture Svanberg was the one who taught me the craft of journalism. He used to say that there were two types of writers. "One is the type who digs the earth in search of truth. Is down in the pit throwing ground up. But above him is another man returning the land below. He is also a journalist. Between them there is always a duel. The fighting strength of the third branch of State for the domain that never ends. You want to tell journalists and discover. You have other errands to run and contribute power to hide what is really happening. "And it was. I learned quickly, despite being only fifteen. Men have always power cleaning companies and symbolic funeral. There are plenty of journalists who would not hesitate to sell their souls to run errands. Recap land. Bury the scandal. Raising appearances to truth, to ensure the illusion of a clean society.
Henning Mankell, The red herring
In a voluminous report of 900 pages, paid for with public money and written language and accessory boring, Batelle Institute realizes its investigation into a casualty in the Campeche Sound where 20 workers were killed and two crew Pemex Morrison Tide boat. The document, using the fantaciencia gadgets, washes his hands at the parastatal oil saying bad decisions killed while sailing in the lifeboats, known as mandarin orange color. The fault was of the dead, it is concluded in this case, one of the fourteen presented in the following pages. The dead, we know, they can not give his version.
dead Country is a book that covers just a handful of so many deaths have occurred unpunished in Mexico. Include claims such as the Campeche Sound, that of the Pasta de Conchos or Nursery ABC deaths in official operation, such as the Federal District Police in the News Divine nightclub or the Mexican Army Badiraguato, Sinaloa, individual cases like that of an Argentine master of ping pong in Toluca, a young businessman kidnapped in Mexico City, the fall of an independent journalist in Oaxaca during a paramilitary attack, or a union leader murdered For almost thirty years. Indian massacres like Acteal, Chiapas, or those that revolve around the drug as the Creel, Chihuahua, or the Guamúchil de la Noria, Sinaloa, that officially never existed. The unstoppable bleeding in Ciudad Juarez and Tijuana complete the list.
But this book is not a common grave or a living museum of the dead. It's not just a complaint over that notorious impunity in the country that kills some time and every day it becomes less news in itself. To try to tell the pain of the dead gather in these pages with investigative journalism narrative journalism, although both adjectives are unnecessary and will always be talking about journalism to dry. The texts included here is obviously the concern of its authors are not complicit in these deaths, the pissed off that the authorities o cualquiera, los orillen a ser cómplices. Con lo que se relata no se busca hacer pornografía de los muertos ni deleitar a los lectores con los apetecibles cuerpos de la desgracia ajena, sino crear empatía: el dolor que sintieron los muertos es inexpresable, pero en estas crónicas hay un intento por representarlo. Bien dice Froylán Enciso que los autores de estas crónicas son dolientes: dolientes que tratan de expresar el dolor que sintió el muerto. Ese dolor es una de las sustancias más difíciles de nombrar —quizá el dolor sea el origen del lenguaje— y por eso hay idiotas que en lugar de sentirlo buscan ser héroes enrolándose del lado de “los buenos” en las muchas guerras que hay en México, desde las más visibles, como la guerra por el control de las drogas, hasta otras mejor disfrazadas, como la guerra por el control de la explotación minera.
Emiliano Ruiz Parra, en la primera de las crónicas incluidas en este libro, reconstruye los sucesos ocurridos en el Golfo de México. Gracias a los testimonios recopilados directamente por el periodista, así como los recabados por la Comisión Nacional de los Derechos Humanos, fue posible saber que los petroleros jamás habían participado en simulacros marcados por los manuales de seguridad, que los equipos de respiración autónoma estaban encadenados y no pudieron ser usados durante la emergencia, que las alarmas nunca sonaron, que deliberadamente fueron blocked the doors of the residential area and that one of the mandarins had gobs of silicone rough being launched, the first wave. Pemex had received a lot of complaints of failure that threatened the lives of workers and never acted accordingly. John Pilger
questions in journalism class universities do not say that the state lies in the habit. If it be said, considering the Australian journalist, the cynicism of many young reporters would not be addressing his readers, but those who hold a false authority. The chronicle "The Wreck of mandarins, Emiliano Ruiz Parra, is journalism that respects life. Other stories told here are also nourished by the journalism that is assumed as an instrument of solidarity with life, sense of urgency in times of so much death.
In his chronicle, Emiliano Ruiz Parra official neglect evidence that exists in the oil war and transports the reader to the events of that day, with a narrative full of nods to both Joseph Conrad and Gabriel García Márquez:
One of the hundreds of waves that had rammed the boat away from the cook at night, swimming adrift. Subject to the winch, a diver went down to the sea surface, hugged him from behind and pulled him out of the water.
Both began to climb towards the helicopter motor-drawn out.
The sailor, however, could not bear the weight of the big man and exhausted, night chef and wore the rictus of despair. A few yards before getting slipped from her arms. His teammates see only the hole that formed in water. The helicopters did not attempt another rescue of those features.
But they did not. Night fell on the high seas and the ships pursued the survivors in the long hours of life and death. They disappeared a few minutes and returned. The spotlight shone light of raindrops dancing to the rhythm of the wind gusts.
"Dear God, Lord, if you can However, let the winds subside pleaded Thought for the second time.
For the Campeche Sound, like the one that killed 65 miners in the coal mine in Pasta de Conchos, told in this book by Arturo Rodriguez, or the 49 children from Kindergarten ABC narrated by Leon Krauze, governmental responsibilities there by default forceful, yet no senior official has gone to prison. The lack of justice prevails.
Among the chronicles of this book written by two reporters who were not born in Mexico, but his work have come to the bowels of the country. John Gibler is and Pablo Ordaz. The first writing for alternative media in the United States and the second for the newspaper El Pais in Spain.
- we go! Tonight we will be escorted by a English journalist. If you are lucky and detain some criminal, I do not hit too ... that favorzote Trust me, guys.
The officer stresses the winking joke behind the mask. The boys laugh. Will be the only relaxation time in five hours.
The above scene, that seems taken from a bad movie in black and white, is one of the pictures of reality which is told in "Death unstoppable" text that captures the bleeding Pablo Ordaz gripping the country since Felipe Calderon launched without consultation or a messianic war plan. When traveling to the epicenter of that nonsense, Ordaz reflects:
The dead have no names. No course in Ciudad Juarez, where this Saturday in February will be randomly selected eight young people killed by drug gangs dark. Eight. There are too many, three days after 21 die. Not too young, a week later fall under fire six children of guys who always have time to flee. Eight killed
are only eight lines in any Mexican newspaper.
Caught in your neighborhood with a country like the U.S. cocaine addict and neglected by national governments seeking legitimacy by force, in border cities like Ciudad Juarez, the concept of modernity with their values \u200b\u200bas human rights, progress and freedom, mean opposite: a return to the law of the strongest, "naturalness" of which Hobbes spoke. This happens under the gaze of an army of reporters who struggle to find a logical handle to hold on to when explaining the course of events. He had already warned the Chilean writer Roberto Bolaño in his monumental novel 2666: in Ciudad Juárez and the murders lies the secret of the world.
"The Bait", another of the history of this book, by journalist José Luis Martínez S., describes the research undertaken by Mrs. Isabel Miranda de Wallace to locate his son, Hugo Alberto Wallace, who was kidnapped and murdered by a band almost dismantled thanks to the independent inquiries by the desperate mother. Eight days
was in the street with his family, not sleeping, spending the nights in a car, hoping to find some clue about the fate of Hugo. They changed their strategy, failed to be there all the time, but not to go to the colony and ask the neighbors, "At the convenience store, the mailman, the garbage, all the people who could, about who lived in that apartment whose windows were painted black rather than a metaphor.
She learned that was rented by a dancer from Guadalajara. A guard brought him another fact: dancing with the group that popularized the song that said "Za, za, za." With this information, Mrs. Wallace learned the name of the group and began to investigate who was the owner or authorized representative, learning that lay in the port of Veracruz and was named Oskar Lobo.
I went looking. Who saw him said he worked in a corporate his group wanted to hire for a party executive, but to do so had one requirement: "I ask
" I explained that I submit a CD where all the dancers appear, because my boss likes one and wants to participate in the event.
Lobo gave the disc. Upon returning to Mexico City Mrs. Wallace printed photographs, and with them he returned to Perugino. Was lucky to see them, a lady selling quesadillas pointed to the girl that was asking.
The story of José Luis Martínez S. has its own life. It can be read in the solitude of a room or heard on the afternoon for dinner. There are human beings, while barbarism goes, act courageously, as Mrs. Wallace. Still others ask what good storytelling in the midst of barbarism? The act of narration is less brave than they do people like Ms. Wallace, however, is somewhat effective. The teacher of journalism in the twentieth century, Ryszard Kapuscinski, claimed that storytelling challenges absurd. And let us not forget absurd or get used to it, is what is happening in this country dead.
The term "narrative journalism" is often viewed with skepticism and even scorn in some newsrooms, where, as John Villoro, journalists each time they got fatter and thinner newspapers. In those places, "report" may be sitting at check email, download the official gazette (either from government, NGOs, the opposition party or transnational corporation), rewrite it, preserving the same tone of press-conference , produce a note to talk with institutional voice and hold journalism within the set of impunity.
"Storytelling," by contrast, requires a presence in the place where things happen, learn to listen, develop the ability to observe small details and a large concentration at the time of writing experience lived. There is a time of chronic "Children of June" its author, journalist Leon Krauze, writing about the fire at the ABC Nursery, which occurred on June 5, 2009 in Hermosillo, Sonora, centers on Adriana, mother one of the girls killed in the tragedy, along with 48 other young of six months to four years.
Take a book and a small bag. He wears a red shirt with a logo to the chest. Has just left work, I suppose, and has been a breath before taking a truck heading for the rest. I ask him about the altar, from shoes. "Yes," he says, they put the parents. In fact, one of which was mine. "Adriana is the mother of Yoselin Valentina, a girl of two years and big eyes who died a few hours after the fire.
Adriana is a single mother. "The father of the girl until she went to see her there," says Adriana. I ask for the book which carries while waiting to get the rest of the parents for the daily meeting in the square. It is called A Light That Failed, by Elisabeth Kubler-Ross, a best seller in whose cover reads: "A work that helps us find the peace that comes to face, understand and accept the death of a child", a kind parent of ABC Nursery ABC. Adriana admits that at first did not want to read it but now you do when you can.
want to know where he got it. "We sent him gift the governor's wife," he replies looking at the tiny shadows at dusk, they fall from the tip of the shoes on the square.
The square where they talk and Adriana León Krauze is Emiliana de Zubeldia, spontaneously become a meeting place for parents of children killed and injured, mostly workers who had never had the courage to get involved in political issues until the State tragically failed them. Upon movement to be born around the square, Leon Krauze account with a bleak certainty that some family members wanted to also talk about justice, which takes both head out. How to pressure the local government? How do I request an explanation to Social Security? Would it be wise to go to the Supreme Court to order an attraction not to be legally futile would have symbolic weight? But beyond the comfort and mutual legal battle against the overwhelming system of local and federal cronyism, most parents met in the Zubeldía to address carefully the altar.
Another tragedy that assails the reason is the 65 miners at Pasta de Conchos, Coahuila. The journalist Arturo García Rodríguez draws equally to the description of social relations that occur in a particular physical space for their story titled "The business of death." This place is a makeshift camp outside the coal mine, which took place just a few days during the rescue efforts that were remembered with sadness in October 2010, when Chile saved 33 miners were at a much deeper than where the miners were Coahuila, whose remains have not even been recovered, perhaps because it could reveal whether it was feasible or not the government and the company Grupo Mexico could rescue them alive at the time. Unlike of hope that radiated from the outskirts of San José mine in Copiapo, bordering even on the reality show, "at Pasta de Conchos opposite happened.
was the scene of contrasts: poverty mining and ostentation of politicians and union leaders. It was the meeting place for women themselves to the bale of second hand couture human mannequins. Families carried in the pickup box and invisible armored SUVs crew. Of the powerful and escorted Rico Gilberto Gil, the child who was to wait for news of his father and stole the bike.
Del Bishop Alonso Garza called for the resignation, forgiveness and reconciliation,
against Bishop Raul Vera denounced the work culture of death. At the camp, therefore, discouraged families converged and rich tourism tragedy.
heard that General Roberto Miranda, commander of the Eleventh Military Region: "This looks like a fucking long fair, to get them out to everyone."
English journalist Miguel Angel Bastenier, in his book How to write a newspaper criticized those who write "from above" to "lower" in an esoteric language, and colonial administration, it was the language of the ruler before his subjects, not citizens That chip reflected in writing in the newspapers and feel imbued with a distinct and superior to other citizens, or, as he says Colombian journalist Maria Teresa Ronderos, is the chip of those reporters who get the tie self-importance at the time of writing and thus part of a huge propaganda machine with little to know.
Alejandro Almazan is just the opposite. In his story "La Tropa Loca" documents and narrates the murder committed by a group of soldiers sent to war on drugs, ordered from Los Pinos, back in the nation's capital. Ride herd on the military by the Sinaloa mountains "raised a cloud of dust with those mammoth called Hummers. " Almazán writes:
Iban 23 soldiers. Went up there who knows what they did, and then declined. Passed through La Joya with headlights on the mastodons. It was about seven at night. On the recommendation of the case 40/2007 issued the NHRC is known that the convoy made a stop on the way up to the Alamillos, about three miles from La Joya. At this stop, seven of the 23 guachos smoked marijuana. One of them snorted cocaine and drank beer methamphetamine. All, yes, drink cans Pacific as if started within hours of the prohibition law. They talked about what men talk: bullshit. It is believed heroes then gods. Priest grabbed, felt the air under grass and solved the world.
then struck ten in the evening.
Hell In the film, one of the few cultural products of interest with regard to the bicentennial and the centennial (plethora of fun under siege official), a scene starring the boss of the town of Saint Archangel, or St. Narcángel-who takes the mayor's office and leads the ceremony Grito de la Independencia, next to the chief of police, employers and the local hierarch of the Church. All goes well until it breaks from the crowd a resentful member of the mafia, which discharges its horn of goat anti-capo ruling and accompanying him on the balcony. After the shooting, the coat of arms carved on the lectern is stained with the blood shed by the mayor narco. Then the fireworks project the legend: "Viva Mexico 2010." Luis Estrada's film refers to a formal approach which is becoming stronger on the "war on drugs." What they said less, to try to censor information verified, and officials are posed things: "Now we are at war and as a journalist you must choose which side you are: on the side of Mexico or the side of organized crime. Taking into account that at the time of writing you shout. " No
few colleagues who have been raised this argument cheat, by pressing issue for the press to make a "patriotic journalism", meaning the patriotic, of course, as the guidelines of Los Pinos, not reality, that reality unpatriotic narrated in the chronicle "La Tropa Loca" by Alejandro Almazan.
Before the country get in the hummer of the failed war, declared to strengthen a weak president, in 2006 Mexico experienced a year of social upheaval, with miners' strike in Cananea, Sonora, and Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán, where two workers were killed during an assault police, or repression as the San Salvador Atenco, Mexico State, where a lawsuit resulted in a brutal market operating for revenge against the people rebels who years before had prevented the construction of an international airport on their land. The uprising in Oaxaca was the climax of the 2006 in which the list of opponents and journalists
killed during the government of Ulises Ruiz Ortiz grew up and continue to grow until the last day of his administration, held on the vine of the trades and national compromise. One of the victims of this flow of institutional violence was the anarchist cameraman Brad Will, whose case was portrayed in the writer John Gibler his story "Desire to impunity." Remembers Gibler Indymedia journalist when the two met again in Oaxaca, in the heat of the revolt:
Brad not boasted his long career as an activist, he spoke of his past, and I mine. It was not until much later that I learn that at 36 years of life Brad had studied, no enrollment fee, Allen Ginsberg poetry and political theory of anarchism with Peter Lamborn Wilson, author of Temporary Autonomous Zones, who had lived as squatters in buildings convicted in New York without paying rent, which almost set fire to the entire building because Brad had hung poorly a light pole, and stood on the roof to stop the demolition hammer that the municipal government had sent to take down the building, who had lived on a small platform suspended 60 meters in the air on a redwood forest to safeguard the ancient trees to loggers, who had traveled to rallies in all parts of the United States, Canada, Europe and South America that Brazilian riot nearly beaten to death while filming the evacuation of a camp of the Landless Movement; who played the guitar well, who bicycled by clouds of tear gas into demonstrations, which he loved working in urban gardens. When we sat down to take a October coffee that day I knew nothing about it. Do not talk about ourselves, we speak of Oaxaca.
Brad Will's case became doubly insulting, since it followed the official line that often cover many of the weavers of impunity in Mexico, who, as mentioned by John Gibler in his chronicle, the nerve do not care, because not only seek to avoid accountability for their crimes, but also intended to smear them who suffered the aggression and violence. Just as Brad Will was assassinated allegedly a member of the opposition People's Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO), the dead of the Organization Campesina de la Sierra del Sur (OCSS), according to Ruben Figueroa Alcocer, were responsible for their own slaughter in Aguas Blancas in 1995, until the journalist Ricardo Rocha announced on television the video that showed how the policemen ambushed and killed at close range. It is also the case of human rights lawyer Digna Ochoa, who according to the Federal District Attorney's Office was responsible for his own murder, or suicide. The ruling, says John Gibler in his chronicle, was based "on some books in his office found that experts said was evidence of mortal melancholy, and ultimately weighed more in his research that all forensic evidence showed how the murderer had manipulated the position of the body and the scene of the crime to cover his tracks. "
In these conditions of increasing violence, thousands of workers in the media are trying to do their job. Brad Will, who in a month in Oaxaca street reporting in other "patriotic journalists" in his life, is part of a grim list of 65 journalists murdered in Mexico over the last decade, with an increasing trend. The trench's most important battle for freedom of expression in Latin America is not Venezuela or Argentina, is Mexico. The Mexican case is qualitatively different from the rest in the region, but is very serious. What is at stake is the possibility that the Mexicans have their eyes on the most dramatic things that are happening. Nowhere in the continent is so much blood because of the exercise of that right. In the Mexico of 2010, the reporters are falling like flies and journalism is no longer just the world's most beautiful job, but one in danger of extinction. The Mexican journalist is having less and less confidence that they can die in peace. The current situation is extremely serious. In addition to the murders of reporters, two dozen journalists have been kidnapped or perhaps already dead, nearly a thousand have been victims of physical assaults ranging from being hit en la cabeza con una pistola hasta el oír estallar una granada en las puertas de su redacción. A esa estadística de la desesperanza, avalada por diferentes organismos nacionales e internacionales, se suma el impreciso número de empleados de los medios de comunicación que renuncian a sus trabajos por el miedo a ser víctimas de ese azar indescifrable que hoy gobierna ciertos lugares del país.
Algunos medios que especialmente saben de esa realidad son Río Doce de Sinaloa, El Diario de Juárez de Chihuahua, el Por Esto de la península de Yucatán, La Opinión-Milenio de Torreón y el semanario Zeta, fundado por el fallecido Jesús Blancornelas, en Tijuana. En su crónica “México en the breaking point, "the photographer of this journal, Alejandro Cossio, Random indescribable records that present in the city where the country begins, as you said the official motto of Tijuana. Alejandro Cossio, camera in hand, tells the border skirmishes of a Mexican official war, which, as stated by the writer Charles Bowden, is not on drugs, but for the control of drugs. Every day, between 2008 and 2009, it is clear that Alexander Cossio had to tie the heart to tell those stories that take place in a cage with lions.
This so-called drug war has been used also by the old mechanisms of state violence. Many crimes outside events of organized crime have been included under the same standards. For his chronicle of the slaughter of Creel, Chihuahua, killing 13 people, including a baby of one year, the journalist Daniel de la Fuente conducted an extensive research whose result contradicts the official version, broadcast by local media-that what happened on August 16, 2008 had been a confrontation between gangs, when none of unarmed victims.
is not easy to find out about the events that happen in Mexico when the nebula, which we call "organized crime" apparently has something to do. Other massacres, such as the 72 migrants killed in San Fernando, Tamaulipas, 23de August 2010, just a few days were covered in the pages of national newspapers. Unable to research in the area where the tragedy occurred, writers and journalists in Mexico, driven by Alma Guillermoprieto, launched a virtual altar (www.72migrantes.com) in memory of them. Sadly it was the most that could be done in the present circumstances. So the research conducted by Daniel de la Fuente for the killing of Creel is so valuable in these times. A protagonist of the story "Alone at the death" is the courageous Jesuit priest Javier Avila.
The pastor drove the two or three minutes that separated him of Profortarah. Along the way, says he imagined that would meet everywhere with road closures, patrols, yellow ribbons.
"And as I arrived I saw that no, there was no authority."
found was the scene of Dante, describes the Jesuit, and, for a moment, his hands trembling, head shattered, brains on the floor, stomachs rushing intestines, throat open gap. Balas.
Crying, hysterical screams. Neither
authority, he insists, and remember that foresaw a transit official, without more, disappeared.
Javier was punctuated pained by the mob. "What is this, father!?" I asked
desperate, wide-eyed by the drama, crying.
[...]
"Where are they?!", Roared the Jesuit by phone, no response to date has given you.
Running of hours, people prayed: "Father, if the authority fails I raise my son and I'll take it, I clean, I wash, I want to watch!" But he, owner of the situation, asked time.
By phone again, the prosecutor asked the priest if he could make a list of victims and take photos of their bodies to abbreviate the forensic service. After emerging from the shock, the Jesuit accepted.
"So I had to make police, guard, prosecutor," he says.
"I had a camera in the truck and someone said, 'Father, this is to film so you know the world'."
Javier asked the relatives and the whole town, which then congregated in the area, to step back because it would lift the sheets that had just set to take pictures of the corpses.
There are some old-fashioned reporters who think that journalism must take social responsibility. They see this office as a platform to become rich or famous, but as a tool for searching for society to know each other, ask questions, debated, questioned and improved. These reporters are trying to do its work taking into account the spirit of humanism. They do not automatically or unconsciously. They are not a machine, refuse to be. Although it may sound shocking to them journalism is not a professional matter, but a personal matter. They have lived this fascinating world of the newsroom, the billiards and bars where journalists gather more to ruminate, daily attempts to co-opt powerful men consciences through acts openly or concealed, the adrenaline to get information revealing that frustration at not getting it and the great solidarity that exists among reporters for coverage difficult. Often the journalism becomes a no name guild.
Chronicle "Sudden Death" is the result of that vision of journalism. It tells the story of a teacher Tennis Club Toluca in Mexico State, was killed during an apparent assault on a bakery in 2003. The death of Mario Palacios Montarco, only possible in a context National impunity was made to pass as a death circumstantial and not as what it was: a murder ordered from the power during the government of Arturo Montiel Rojas in the State of Mexico. The case of Palacios Mario Montarco virtually unknown for many years, is emblematic of so many deaths of ordinary citizens to produce national and impunity are not even known. It is reported in the text:
looked in the Club Toluca Arochi Victor Cienfuegos, a member of the PRI and manager who hired Parker. Agreed to talk while he was in his car. The first two minutes of praise did not stop Mario. Then he gave me the site address where he died. "Did he die an assault? "I asked. Passing stopped, looked me in the eye and said: "He died a natural death," and after the enigmatic phrase walked to his car.
Near the center of Toluca, in Lerdo de Tejada and Josefa Ortiz de Dominguez, was the bakery's Bondi, Reyes family business, closed shortly after death. Today is a Telcel store run by a girl who has no idea what happened there.
Toluca city is perhaps the most newspapers in the country: 15. But only El Sol de Toluca and Exchange Notes issued as whispers, small and indoors, on the assassination. The first omitted the name of the victim and their place in the Club Toluca.
Arturo Callejas, then a police reporter Exchange, where if there was a note in the form, "
reveals the strange way that the newspaper knew what happened: it was not for the ritual announcement press officer of the police, but because an editor told him the owner of a neighboring business to the bakery, whose testimony was developed with the brief text, which was not monitored. Other publications were silent.
Mario Carrasco, director of Expert Services of the Attorney General of the State of Mexico (PFJEM) and then legal assistant of the Department of Government, confirmed succinct: "His death was a shot in the head and the murderers have not been arrested. "
Days later, an official of the PGJEM I contacted unofficially agreed to spend tol/hln/i/2747/2003 data file opened by the killing. "It's one of the files with fewer leaves I've seen in my life," he said, adding that ministerial statements included three people related to what happened. "The case was filed," he said. There was no investigation. "
Other crimes committed in this country of shadows killer require the distance of time to begin to be clarified, although not easily, since the dead may become, 30 years later, in exchange currencies. In "Three times Misael" researcher Angeles Magdaleno tells how the reopening of the investigations of the murder of union leader Misael Núñez Acosta ends up being sabotaged:
resulting from termination of the CNTE, for the murder of Misael, the lawyer Juan Carlos Sanchez Ponton, the MP agent assigned to the SPO Federation, made a questionnaire with 126 questions to the professor Elba Esther Gordillo. An hour before the hearing, Santiago Creel Miranda, then interior minister, ordered by telephone that only you will be asked to do with Professor assassinated 21 years earlier. No question of illicit enrichment, the order was received by the prosecutor. The questionnaire, armed chronological sequence, lost feet and head.
months later the charge was dismissed. The argument was simple: in 1981 the teacher was not federal employees; is played in the SNTE. For its part, Elba Esther Gordillo Morales threatened to file with the National Commission on Human Rights a complaint.
The forgotten after the February 3, 2003, with a kiss, sealed it and Marta Sahagun, wife of Vicente Fox empowered, their close friendship. That is, the Agreement for Education.
After 13 years of the slaughter of Acteal happened something like the murder of Professor Misael Núñez Acosta, trying to minimize the slaughter of 45 indigenous people of Chiapas to "inter-communal conflict" through a laborious and somewhat effective "inter-agency effort." "Way to barbarism (Voice of the victims)", by journalist and analyst Jesús Ramírez Cuevas, is a story that describes how the violence that gripped Chenalhó in 1997 was cultivated and promoted by the state power and and from the political and military institutions. The chronicle of Jesús Ramírez Cuevas shows that the killing of Acteal was not a revenge or confrontation, but an act of war, a state crime whose aim was to provoke armed confrontation between Indians, something that did not happen.
At eight o'clock they got in a truck en route to your destination. Their families came to see them off. Were 12, and four Pechiquil Tzajalucum, tells Juan Hernandez, who spent a month and a half under the captivity of the paramilitaries. Arrived in La Esperanza and met with those who came from Canolal and Chimix.
In Los Chorros, before leaving was to pray to the early Catholic Church, "to give them strength to cast bullet," says one witness. The leader of paramilitaries, Antonio López Santiz, he said: "Without law we are right now. Just send us, we are our own law. Our weapons have poison to kill our enemies. " Then left in a van by the dirt road toward Majomut. Iban laughing, happy, joking. They had big guns and new.
as 15 or 18 wore goat horns. Among them were Antonio López Santiz and
Ernesto Guzmán Luna, "the mere bossy."
Divided into groups arrive at different points, surround the place and shoot from all sides. Expect an armed response to the Zapatista guerrillas, something that never happens. Almost all perpetrators wear black or blue, many wearing uniforms of the state Public Security police. Some wore balaclavas to hide his face.
All carry white handkerchiefs to identify each other. It is inevitable that the same distinctive remember the Olympia Battalion used during the Tlatelolco student massacre of October 2, 1968.
Jesús Ramírez Cuevas says in the epilogue to his story: "Those who seek to rewrite the history of Acteal to justify and exonerate the murderers and masterminds disqualify not only the voice and testimony of the victims have also become, without unknowingly complicit in this crime. "
Public policies determined and implemented from fear are another way that kills impunity in Mexico. Fear of other, different, the young man. Daniela Rea journalist recounts one of the ways in which this fear in a nightclub killed poor "City of Hope, the City of Mexico. In addition, the chronic "Nobody apologized" shows how people in this country is still dead force to address this impunity. The penultimate text presented in the following pages begins:
Leticia Morales came to court after receiving a subpoena on behalf of his son Rafael.
"I'm here because cited my son to testify in the case News Divine "he told the 19 penal law clerk.
- Where is your child? Indifferent to the clerk asked, his face buried behind piles of records.
"She would not come," said Leticia.
- So what are you doing here? Take the boy ordered, without even looking.
"I've come to take her to the pantheon. To extend beyond the statement of my son, because you all killed.
the morning of September 9, 2009 Rafael Morales was called to testify about his own death.
There are other people in Mexico do not even serve to fatten the national statistics impunity. These deaths did not occur because there are documented through the media, much less legally, as stated by Froylan Enciso in The massacre that never was ", a text on the events in December 2010 in the Sinaloa town of La Noria Guamúchil , after the death of Arturo Beltran Leyva, who was killed by a marine command and displayed the body vejo bonnet fallen portraying smeared notes and jewelry. Enciso
recalls in his chronicle that in September the same year the researcher Fernando Escalante published in Nexus that the perception that the homicide rate had risen was false:
"Between 1992 and 2007 decreased consistently, year after year, both the national rate as the number of homicides. The rate fell from a peak of 19.72 in 1992 to a low of 8.04 in 2007. " Escalante's article was part of a book that began circulating with a "presentation" of the heads of the two institutions co-editor, Javier Garciadiego, president of El Colegio de Mexico, Genaro García Luna, Secretary of Public Safety: study Escalante allowed "to confront the insecurity perceptions of reality" (Murder in Mexico between 1900 and 2007, p. 9). But from Sinaloa, the booklet was read ridiculous Froylán says Enciso. There were dead, many more than the government had and many more who could have imagined. Pedro Brito, Mazatlan regional development specialist at the Autonomous University of Sinaloa, published an article showing that the death toll of Escalante, also according to official figures, was "inconsistent" and "questionable." At the University of Guadalajara, the analyst Rogelio Campos David dismounted also strong indicators of the fragility of the work of Escalante, widely disseminated by the Presidency of the Republic. Enciso Froylán advantage for the killing of the Noria Guamúchil to review and the nebulous history of drug war Felipe Calderon.
Calderón The trench was flooded with blood. The murders of
Calderon's war were the main news on Mexico from abroad in 2007 and 2008. Along the way, the Calderon regime forgot the proposed work for the benefit of the country, public policies consistent with any ideal of the nation, including the ideals of rights. The blood came to the neck of the nation when, in December 2008, Forbes magazine said in a cover story that Mexico was a "failed state." Territory, government and people failed. Point. As early as 2010 to Catholic Church claimed that Mexico had so much despair.
This book seeks to combat the despair. Is dedicated to all the deaths caused by impunity in the country, which live not only because they are in our memory when doing reviews as part of this work, but also because they have left a job to do. They ask, as the poet says Hernán Boeykens, not metamos his death in a living museum. Is not the same count the number of dead to tell the stories of our dead. This narrative guide murderous impunity in Mexico was made from this idea: we are dying, women, workers, children, drug dealers Indians, miners, teachers, policemen, farmers, merchants, journalists, teachers, ping pong, soldiers, students, the living and the dead, already dead, returned to die again, a and again, because of the absence of justice and neglect.
Country Introduction to the Book of the Dead. Chronicles impunity (Ed. Debate)
